Author: Gregory Wilson

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Al-Shabaab makes a deadly resurgence in Nairobi

September 21 marked the first day of a deadly four-day siege on Westgate Mall in Nairobi, Kenya in which the Kenyan military fought to dislodge al-Shabaab fighters in a battle that saw at least 61 civilians and six Kenyan security officers dead. The Red Cross said 39 people are still missing.

The terrorist attack sparked an international outcry and condemnations by countries such as Canada, the United States, Great Britain, Israel and Iran. However, none of these countries will help Kenya fight back against its enemy, it just isn’t in their interest to do so.

The perpetrator, al-Shabaab, was formed in 2006 as a radical wing of the now-defunct Union of Islamic Courts in Somalia. As the organization grew, foreigners also joined its ranks. Al-Shabaab is believed to currently house between 7,000 and 9,000 militants and is affiliated and funded by al-Qaeda.

Al-Shabaab called the attack strict retaliation for Kenya’s continued military presence in Somalia.

Marcel Danis, a Concordia University political science professor with an expertise in public security, organized crime, and terrorism, said the terrorists are speaking truthfully.

“[Al Shabaab] is a terrorist group that controls part of Somalia,” said Danis. “They do a number of kidnappings and extortions [and are] a pain in the neck to Western companies [in the region].”

Danis claims Western corporate interests companies thus lobbied the African Union (AU) into eliminating al-Shabaab’s influence in Somalia. Of the AU member states, Uganda and Kenya are the two countries that have pledged the most resources to this campaign and, in response, al-Shabaab is now attempting to intimidate them into withdrawing their forces.

“Bombs exploded in Kampala, Uganda, while people were watching the World Cup in 2010. About 70 people died. Al-Shabaab said it was in retaliation as well. Both cases are very similar in nature,” said Danis.

Fortunately, al-Shabaab was unsuccessful in forcing the Kenyan president’s hand.

“We went [to Somalia] to help them bring order in their own nation and will stay there until [we do], we will not be intimidated,” said Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta during a multi-faith prayer service on Oct. 1 honouring the victims of the Westgate Mall attack, according to BBC.

Yet Kenyatta does not expect much help from the global community in fighting al-Shabaab.

Based on their exclusive interview with Canadian Immigration Minister Chris Alexander, Global News said the international community has only three possible courses of action: conduct a missile strike on the al-Shabaab headquarters, prosecute the attackers who are still alive in international court, or let Kenya handle the situation on its own.

While indicting those responsible in international court might happen, a missile strike is highly unlikely. Since the 2002 invasion of Iraq the Western community has seen how its interventions in conflict zones have bolstered a negative view of them and/or have led to unforeseen regional consequences, even when their presence is indirect. As such, interceding in other states is not in their interests.

For example, in the aftermath of the Allied forces’ air strike in Libya in 2011, Gadhafi supporters left the country, traveled to Mali, and plunged that nation into civil war.

‘‘Tuareg tribesmen who reportedly fought for Moammar Gadhafi in Libya have returned to Mali with weapons…forcing thousands to flee,’’ said former Mali President, Amadou Toumani Toure, in a public statement, according to CNN. Toure was ousted in a coup d’état by the Tuareg a month later.

Kenya, which knows the only way to keep al-Shabaab under control is by a direct military presence in Somali territory, will most likely have the African Union as the only reliable ally. Yet President Kenyatta’s decision could potentially carry deep consequences.

According to Danis, ‘‘if [Kenyatta] keeps his troops in Somalia, a second major attack will occur in Kenya.’’

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Opinion: Dividing a province, one ban at a time

After more than a year in power, the Parti Québécois government must be commended on their flawless performance in the art of dividing a society. They began the year with language laws, which culminated in the infamous “pastagate.” Now they have moved on to segregating religious minorities.

The PQ’s proposed Charter of Quebec Values is a set of guidelines describing which religious symbols would be considered appropriate for a public servants to wear to work. Public servants would include all city workers, policemen, judges, prosecutors, correctional agents, hospital, school, daycare and municipal workers.

“When you’re serving the state it will have to be clear: The state is neutral […] the people who serve you don’t want to influence or embarrass you by openly and clearly expressing their convictions,” said Quebec Premier Pauline Marois in a press release.

Notably, hijabs, niqabs, turbans, ostentatious crucifixes and kippahs would be considered overt and obvious symbols of religious belief and, as such, would be forbidden. Only small religious symbols would be allowed, yet there are no size limits proposed. Thus, the line between acceptable and conspicuous is both arbitrary and subjective. They have also not established how they would enforce their proposed charter.

Since its official release, the contents of the proposed charter provoked outrage from both the political sphere and the general public. One much discussed aspect of the bill was its inherent discrepancies.

The bill will give hospitals, universities, CÉGÉPs and municipalities the option to opt out of the proposed charter for a five-year period, during which employees would be able to wear religious symbols on the job. Daycare workers, however, will not have that privilege.

Dr. Emmanuelle Richez is a political science professor at Concordia University who specializes in Quebec and Canadian politics. According to her, these five-year exemptions are only a temporary option.

‘‘[Quebec] Minister [of Democratic Institutions] Bernard Drainville does not want these exemptions to be continuously renewed. He wants to eventually reach the PQ’s vision of secularism in time,’’ said Richez.

Even more striking is the fact that elected officials in the National Assembly would be exempt from the proposed charter policies altogether and will thus never have to worry about hiding their religious symbols.

‘‘If we’re really trying to achieve the religious neutrality of the state, what’s more representative of the state than an elected official?’’ said Côte-des-Neiges–Notre-Dame-de-Grâce mayor Lionel Perez in an article published in the Gazette. Perez is a practicing Jew who wears a kippah.

The crucifix will also remain in the National Assembly and so will the cross on Mount-Royal, despite both being symbols of Christianity. Drainville says they are now part of Quebec’s religious heritage and will not be removed, according to La Presse.

Other discrepancies include Quebec’s continuous subsidizing of religious private schools and keeping the opening prayer at municipal council meetings.

‘‘The charter is essentially trying to impose the values of the majority of Quebecers on the minority. There is a religious double-standard here evident by the crucifix remaining in the National Assembly,” said Richez. “The majority of the people want to force the minority to make sacrifices the former is itself not ready to do.’’

In essence, the PQ is once again using their divide-and-conquer strategy as a means to gain the upper hand in the next provincial election.

‘‘The Parti Québécois is continuing its policies of division by literally fabricating a crisis to change the subject [from Quebec’s economic situation],’’ provincial Liberal leader Phillippe Couillard said at a caucus meeting last month.

It’s a good thing the PQ renamed the bill from the “charter of secularism” to the “Charter of Quebec Values” because this proves it is anything but secular.

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Quebec’s struggle to embrace bilingualism

Graphic by Jennifer Kwan
Graphic by Jennifer Kwan

Quebec, for many years, has been a melting pot of various cultures, languages and customs. There was even a time when Francophones were justifiably worried they would lose their language and culture as time went on.

However, Quebec has instead grown to accept herself as a true bilingual state. Although still aware of her need to protect the French culture, she accepts her English side as well.

And yet, there are still political parties set on making language an issue once again.

Apart from tuition fees and ensuing riots, recent news in Quebec revolves around the notorious “pastagate” and the effects Bill 14 will have on our society if the PQ government successfully passes it through the National Assembly.

Colin Standish is a third-year law student at Université de Laval. He is president and Editor-in-chief of the Revue Juridique des étudiants et étudiantes de l’Université de Laval. Last week, Standish was also on the popular Quebec television show Tout le monde en parle to speak out against this bill.

‘‘Bill 14 is an amendment to the Charter of the French Language. But the government is not actually protecting French, it’s taking away the rights of other groups,’’ said Standish to The Concordian.

For example, one of the proposed laws is to strip the bilingual status of those Quebec municipalities and boroughs that are composed of 50 per cent or less Anglophones.

The mayors of these municipalities decided they would not go down without a fight. Last week, Pierrefonds-Roxboro got the majority of the Union of Quebec Municipalities to help defend its bid to remain bilingual. Even Francophone mayors supported the decision.

Longueuil is considered a PQ stronghold but it too is backing Pierrefonds-Roxboro. It is also actively supporting its own borough, Greenfield Park, in its quest to remain bilingual.

Ironically enough, the bill also has legislation that would hinder Francophones.

The bill proposes to base the CEGEP application process on the language spoken by the students’ parents. Anglophone CEGEPS will have to accept all Anglophones applying before considering Francophone applications.

‘‘The application process will not be on academic merit anymore and so this will reduce the quality of education in Quebec,’’ said Standish.

According to him, another highly contentious aspect of the bill is the right it will give to the Office Québécois de la langue française to search and seize ‘‘anything from your business without warning’’ if they find it objectionable.

After “pastagate” blew up in the OQLF’s face, other businesses came forward to recount their run-ins with them. The general idea was that even ‘‘on/off’’ labels for light switches needed to be changed to French. Does that mean the proposed seizures would include anything remotely English?

Twitter erupted with both English and French speaking Quebecers mocking the OQLF over the pasta debacle.

This unity of voices alone shows that there is solidarity between Francophones and Anglophones in Quebec, despite what seems to be an effort by the PQ government to create new divisions between them.

The PQ is wrong in thinking that French will die off in the future if we don’t take strong action today and expand Bill 101. According to Statistics Canada, new immigrants seem to be eagerly adopting French as their main language in 2011. It is actually their use of English that is waning.

The PQ government is trying to reinforce their base of Francophones for the coming elections, but Bill 14 is not achieving its intended objective. Rather, it will only appeal to those few xenophobic cells that still persist in a largely accepting Quebec.

Francophones in general will not rally behind them as they once would. Instead, they’re rallying behind the Anglophones and fighting back.

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The road to hell and back

Image via Flickr
Image via Flickr

Ten years ago Normand Robitaille, a former high-ranking Hells Angels, was sentenced to 17 years in prison. He was convicted of conspiracy to commit murder, money laundering and drug trafficking.

Robitaille was mostly known for his close ties to Maurice Boucher — the president of the Hells Angels Montreal chapter. Boucher trusted him so much Robitaille would meet with Mafia leader Vito Rizzuto in his name.

On Jan. 20, Robitaille was granted unsupervised leave privileges from the minimum security compound to take business classes at HEC Montréal business school. Unescorted leave is considered the final step towards parole.

The announcement prompted some Canadian citizens to declare he is still dangerous and should remain in prison. However, the parole board was right in granting him leave.

Marcel Danis is a political science professor at Concordia University, specializing in organized crime. He was also the defense lawyer for many high-ranking Hells Angels members.

‘‘I would agree that he should stay in prison if he was still a member of the Hells Angels,’’ he told The Concordian. ‘‘But here we’re talking about a former member who broke all his ties to the club.’’

In fact, Robitaille went through the proper procedures to officially disassociate from the group. While in prison he wrote to the Hells Angels’ headquarters in California asking permission to withdraw. They accepted his request.

‘‘It is the equivalent of being honourably discharged from the army,’’ said Danis.

As of October 2009, the Sûreté du Québec no longer considered him a Hells Angels member.

Robitaille allegedly changed during his time in prison. He reportedly took up Buddhism and has been using past unescorted leaves to meet with a Buddhist chaplain. He kept to himself and did not cause trouble. As a reward Robitaille went from a maximum security facility to medium and finally to minimum. He has also completed a Bachelor’s in communications by correspondence during that time.

‘‘I’m confident he won’t do anything to breach his parole,’’ said Danis. ‘‘He knows he will be back immediately on the smallest breach, whatever it may be. It would be foolish.’’

Robitaille’s case, and the debate surrounding it, is a good example of the differences between Eastern and Western Canadians’ perception on crime in general.

Quebec and other Eastern provinces differ from Western Canada in that they have a stronger belief in rehabilitation instead of punishment. Quebec, for example, had the fifth lowest crime rate in 2011, according to Statistics Canada.

Eastern provinces have lower crime rates than their western counterparts for the most part due to their emphasis on rehabilitation. Thus, it comes as no surprise that in 2011 even the Canadian Bar Association — which represents 37,000 lawyers — denounced the federal government’s tough-on-crime Bill C-10. They even launched legal action to strike down parts of the controversial bill in November 2012, and will go all the way to the Supreme Court if need be.

Obviously, criminals must initially be punished and sentenced according to the severity of their actions. However, simply keeping them locked up is not a solution to the problem. The Eastern provinces understand this concept, the federal government and the Western provinces do not.

To ensure they do not repeat the same actions following their release, criminals should be taken care of while in prison. Prisons are not establishments made to store criminals indefinitely, but rather to ensure they are able to properly reintegrate in society afterwards.

If a prisoner, like Normand Robitaille, is psychologically ready for parole and to finally contribute to our society, then the Quebec justice system has succeeded in its mission.

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The Canadian army doesn’t come cheap

Image via Flickr
Image via Flickr

Looking back at his 2012 record, most would agree that Minister of National Defence Peter MacKay didn’t have a great year.

The enormous controversy surrounding the F-35 fighter jets acquisition and his use of a search-and-rescue military helicopter to pick him up from a fishing trip caused two separate media fiascos. I guess you could say he’s starting this year right where he left off.

On Jan. 7, Postmedia News released documents it obtained alleging that provinces and municipalities will soon have to pay the federal government if they ask for the Canadian Armed Forces to participate in disaster relief efforts. Federal budget constraints would be the main reason behind this change.

Within hours, the news passed on to the various media outlets across the country, raising the ire of many columnists and politicians alike. Four days later, Mackay reassured press that ‘‘communities needing assistance will not likely be billed for those services.’’

While there is no more tangible worry for the Canadian population, the fact that Mackay was actually considering this possibility – and the public reaction that followed – points towards another interesting year for our defence minister.

Dr. Julian Schofield is a political science professor at Concordia University, specializing in strategic studies.

“This is the stupidest idea I’ve ever heard,” he told The Concordian.

According to Schofield, provinces would simply not hire the military if the services would cost them.

‘“The military is relatively unskilled except for shooting people,’” he added. ‘“Their purpose is only to enhance public confidence, it’s a [public relations] move.”

Schofield gives the example of the Great Ice Storm of 1998. Technically, the military couldn’t do much to help, but their presence comforted citizens.

For a long time, Canadians have enjoyed a sense of pride and security towards the Armed Forces. Many grew up knowing that if there was an event dire enough to require their aid, they would come.

And they have.

According to the National Defence website, the Forces operated in four provinces to support efforts against “three floods, one hurricane, and multiple forest fires,” in 2011.

To take away the peace of mind and security of citizens over a question of budget constraints should be out of the question.

In the days prior to MacKay’s statement confirming this change would not take place, federal opposition parties were also condemning the decision, according to the Montreal Gazette.

“Communities should not have to look at their wallet before deciding whether they need help in a natural disaster,’’ said NDP Member of Parliament and defence critic Jack Harris.

As Schofield said, provinces could make do without help from the army if the Ministry of National Defence insisted on charging them for their services. But how will citizens feel knowing that their own soldiers cannot be deployed to help save them because of economic concerns?

“There is a foundational expectation that our military will be there when we need it. That’s what we pay these guys for,” said MP and Liberal defence critic John McKay.

Defence minister MacKay may have conducted successful acquisitions and operations in 2012, but his public image has been tarnished by controversies throughout the year. A cabinet minister, much like the Canadian Forces, should not only do his job, but also maintain the public’s trust in his legitimacy.

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Canada to accept more Syrian refugees

Image via Flickr.
Image via Flickr.

Syrians are in trouble; thousands leave the country everyday, jamming refugee camps in neighbouring nations. Canada needs to step up and start increasing their acceptance of Syrian refugees.

Syria is in the middle of a gruesome civil war, with casualties numbered in the thousands. Feeling empathy for their suffering should be a bare minimum, as is granting asylum for refugees.

Dr. Rex Brynen is a political science professor at McGill University who specializes in Middle East politics and conflict zones. According to him, the Canadian government will do just that.

‘‘We’ll certainly be accepting refugees from Syria. Syrian refugees getting accepted in Canada is largely a function of how the rules work,” he said. “Most of the changes have been with dealing with large backlogs of claimants and strong numbers of illegal refugees.”

The specific changes Brynen speaks of relate to a recent tightening of immigration laws by the Canadian federal government.

Philippe Couvrette works in the communications department for Citizenship and Immigration Canada.

According to him, “The changes to Canada’s asylum system are scheduled to come into effect in the fall of 2012. With these changes, asylum claims will be heard much faster and the removal of failed claimants will be quicker.”

Syria has been in a civil war for almost two years now. The United Nations has been unable to take concrete action against Syria because China and Russia, both on the Security Council, have used their veto power to block the Western countries on three resolutions aimed at pressuring Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to stop.

However, conducting a military intervention in Syria could potentially backfire. When the Americans invaded Iraq in 2003, they expected a swift and utter win. Instead, they stayed for eight years and left the country in turmoil.

Thus, the international community must find other ways to help countries without intervening directly, which includes accepting refugees.

Meanwhile, al-Assad insists on keeping his position, and radicals continue to slaughter rebels and civilians alike. So far, 30,000 have died as a result of this civil war. Thus, speeding up the process of deliberation on granting refugee status in Canada can be seen as a boon for Syrians fleeing their country.

Although Canada has closed its embassy in Syria, it will continue to offer its services to Syrians in its embassy in Jordan.

Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon are the three main adjacent countries to which 358,000 Syrians are fleeing. Unfortunately, all three countries are rapidly filling up their refugee camps. According to Brynen, “Refugees are safe to an extent, but conditions aren’t necessarily optimal.”

The assassination of a high official in Lebanon who was against the al-Assad regime doesn’t help the situation either. Anti-Syrian government protesters in Beirut blame the killing on Syria.

Although Canada, just like any other Western country, understands the plight of Syrians, no claim for protection must be put above another’s.

“The process to admitting refugees stays the same, regardless of where the claimant is from,” said Couvrette.

Hence, why I think the process should allow some leniency in this exceptional situation. The international community cannot stand by while this bloodshed continues unabated in Syria. Even though direct military action is not in the cards at the moment, there are other methods to help the population of this embattled country.

Americans are allegedly offering weapons to the rebels, but Canada should help Syria in a more peaceful manner — like helping more of them find a new home, away from the violence.

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What goes up, must come down, right?

Graphic by Jennifer Kwan
Graphic by Jennifer Kwan

Last week, I finally got around to getting my new Opus card since I didn’t want to use my car as much anymore.

I did so, not because I suddenly felt the urge to be more environmentally responsible or felt that public transportation was better than driving, but rather because of gas prices.

Gas prices have shot up to $1.53 a litre on Sept. 12—a jump of 13 cents overnight. They have dropped since then, but still remain quite high, much to the dismay of Montreal drivers.

The reasons behind the erratic cost of gas changing day to day, however, remain a mystery for many.

Harjeet Bhabra is an associate professor at the John Molson School of Business. His principal fields of study are corporate finance and investments.

According to Bhabra, there are two major factors contributing to high gas prices: one direct cause—events in and around the US; and one indirect cause—unrest in the Middle East.

“Ten days ago, we had this huge hurricane [in the Gulf Coast], and what it typically does is force companies in the area to shut down and move people off the platforms of refineries,” said Bhabra. “There is then a production loss and so less available in the market.”

Supply and demand is the basis for the day-to-day behaviour of gas prices. The cost goes up when the demand strains the supply available worldwide. According to Bhabra, the need for gas in Canada and the US has increased in the last 10 to 20 years, and so has demand in China. Prices will, therefore, inevitably rise as a result.

But the traditional rules of supply and demand don’t work as they should during a time of uprising. In the Middle East, the unrest has affected many nations, and has successfully toppled dictatorial governments.

“Many of these nations are suppliers of crude oil to the rest of the world,” said Bhabra. “If anything happens over there, it directly affects the price of crude oil worldwide.”

Bhabra pointed out that in a scenario such as this one, the anticipation of a lack of supply is sufficient to raise the price. Since the market is uncertain if the supply will last or not, they raise the prices pre-emptively to counter possible future losses.

For example, the current overarching situation in the Middle East is the potential war between Israel and Iran. The Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad publicly advertises his country’s advancing nuclear program, declaring they won’t back down on their nuclear energy source project.

Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed American voters on NBC, dissuading them from voting for President Barack Obama. Netanyahu said he wants the support of an American government willing to attack Iran and Obama won’t do that.

It is important to remember that Iran controls the Strait of Hormuz — a narrow yet important waterway through which 40 per cent of the world’s total traded crude oil passes through every day.

A tactical initiative of the Iranian government has been the threat of blocking the Strait of Hormuz. Recent heightened tensions have worried investors of that threat coming true, consequently raising the price of crude oil and with it, the price of gas. Therefore, the political landscape of the Middle East has contributed indirectly to the increase in gas prices.

Quebec citizens have to deal with an even larger burden than the rest of Canada when it comes to gas. Our taxes on gas are the highest in the country, and account for 50 cents a litre. Montreal consumers pay an added three cents a litre as a regional surtax going towards public transit. One-third of the price of our gas at the pump is actually taxes. Just dandy.

There are many factors that can alter the price of gas, some more easily discernible than others. Like a society, crude oil fluctuates not only because of events such as closed refineries, it will also change depending on public opinion.

Speculation about the future, including in the Middle East, has a direct impact on the price of gas Montreal citizens will pay at the pump. With the way events are unfolding in the Middle East, a gas price under $1.20 is most likely not in the cards. In the meantime, we have the wonderful public transit system. I suggest we get used to it.

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Facing the horrors of war

Mental support for war veterans who are back in Canada has always been an issue, though not always a priority.

Mental health problems in returning soldiers have been an issue since officials first discovered such a thing could occur following a traumatic event. Nowadays, the problem is better understood and taken care of, but the current measures employed are still not enough; therefore, not all World War II veterans have been as blessed as the three gentlemen who go to Branch 108 every Thursday to share a beer.

In the Royal Canadian Legion Branch 108 based in Châteauguay, three former soldiers – one from the air force, the navy, and the army – believe the medical conditions and support system surrounding Canadian soldiers have dramatically improved since their time in the Canadian Forces. They did not want to divulge their names for privacy reasons.

The three veterans were in excellent shape for their age, both physically and psychologically – a testament to their full recovery since World War II.

“I had sufficient support, [but] there may be a 100,000 other guys that didn’t get it,” reminded the former airman.

One persisting issue that stood out for the former soldiers is the lack of staff at St. Anne’s Hospital, exclusively for veterans of the two World Wars and of the Korean War – younger soldiers who’ve been on peacekeeping operations or in Afghanistan are not eligible.

“They’ve got so much room there, there are so many empty spaces, but it was always hard to get in,” said the former army soldier. “Veterans have tried to get in and they say there’s no room. They don’t have the staff for it, I guess.”

As the hospital patients thin out year after year, the provincial government is planning to take it over and use it as a civilian hospital instead.

Nevertheless, the three men praise the government for having put “more effort and more money towards the veterans” in recent years.

“There’s more being done for the veterans today than there was being done 70 years ago,” noted the former navy soldier.

Yet, despite these improvements, some veterans of Afghanistan have spoken out on poor medical and psychological support they’ve received once back in Canada.

In recent memory, two major cases have brought significant exposure to the issue: the ongoing fiasco following Cpl. Stuart Langridge’s suicide; and the statement given by Cpl. Steve Stoesz to CTV after being forbidden to do so by his superiors.

Cpl. Stuart Langridge committed suicide in army barracks in Edmonton in 2008.

It was his sixth suicide attempt. The story sparked outrage as federal authorities seemed uncooperative and even apathetic towards the soldier’s grieving parents.

Later, an inquiry was called to find out if the military indirectly played a part in his death. The investigation revealed he was not on suicide watch, but had been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression.

Cpl. Steve Stoesz, on the other hand, made headlines earlier this year for going against a direct order from the Department of National Defense and speaking up about proposed cuts to mental health services for soldiers. He said he hadn’t been given the proper physical care upon his return and he wouldn’t accept it. Stoesz has been fighting against the medical system and Veterans Affairs ever since.

Amid this recent controversy, Federal Defence Minister Peter MacKay announced on Sept. 12 the defense department will invest $11.4 million more in mental health services for returning veterans.

According to MacKay, the money will fund the employment of four psychiatrists, 13 psychologists, 10 mental health nurses, 13 social workers and 11 addictions counsellors. More than 5,000 soldiers returning from Afghanistan are suffering from mental health issues, including over 3,000 diagnosed with PTSD.

“To compare World War II to Afghanistan is almost impossible,”  said the former air force soldier of Branch 108. “There are ages of difference.”

Though that may be so in some respects, the fear, the nightmares, and the other mental traumas have branded veterans of all wars. During World War II, proper help for psychological recovery was still in its early stages and macho attitudes regarding the subject ran high.

Although the current understanding of mental illness has pushed the boundaries and changed perceptions to give way to a better support system, there are still deficiencies as demonstrated by the Langridge case.

Hopefully, the Department of Defence’s new investment will be used efficiently, and become the first step in providing adequate mental health care support for our veterans.

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National Assembly in a deadlock

On Sept. 4, Pauline Marois, leader of the Parti Québécois, was the first woman to be named premier of Quebec.

However, she will be at the head of a minority government, having won only four additional seats than the incumbent Liberals. A minority government cannot fully operate and respect their campaign promises without the help of a second party to back its ideas up. Luckily, neither the Coalition Avenir Québec nor the Liberals are looking to support any of Marois’ controversial campaign promises, if proposed in Quebec’s National Assembly.

Marcel Danis, a political science professor at Concordia University and former vice-president of the House of Commons, said he knows that nothing will come out of this provincial government.

‘‘I don’t think much will go on under this government because of the policies and the promises that she’s made,’’ said Danis.

The dynamic of a minority government dictates that the PQ can only pass legislations into law with a majority support. The party’s two most emblematic plans are a sovereignty referendum and the redistribution of wealth – and both must go through the National Assembly to be voted on by the entire government. According to Danis, attempts to follow through on these plans will in all likelihood be rejected.

The PQ’s promise of a referendum was actually in the form of a bill they wished to pass, which would give the people the power to call their own vote.

‘‘For example, under this new law, if 800,000 people, 15 per cent of Quebec’s population, want a referendum across the province, the referendum would have to take place,’’ said Danis.

The PQ’s plan for redistribution of wealth consisted of “abolishing the health tax of roughly $200 per person, and replacing that with an increase in taxes for people making over $130,000,” said Danis. According to Quebec law, all monetary legislation must go through the National Assembly, including raising taxes, and Danis doesn’t expect the opposition to throw their support behind the plan.

Marois does, however, have one alternative for passing her legislation. As premier, she can now pass executive decrees, which in other words, is mainly the power of appointment.

She will thus be able to go forth with her promise to reverse the tuition fee increase, which had a provision admitting executive decrees. Bill 78 does not; therefore, Marois will have to either pass a law through the National Assembly to abolish it, or simply let it expire itself on July 1, 2013.

“It’s surprising when you look at the results; nine more seats [for the PQ] would have made a huge difference,” said Danis. “We would have had a referendum, and we would have had some redistribution of wealth. None of that can take place now.”

As you can see, Marois has barely any space to move. Until the next election, the National Assembly will be in a deadlock.

Marois’ election should be seen as a symbol of Quebec’s need for change. Quebecers have decided to remove Charest from power, yet have only given the PQ a minority government, disabling the possibility for them to do as they please. It’s a symbol of exasperation and frustration from a majority that has felt unheard for too long. ….

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Behind the scenes with a war correspondent


On August 20, Japanese foreign correspondent Mika Yamamoto was fatally shot while reporting on the civil war in Syria.

News of her death spread rapidly both through conventional news networks and Twitter, renewing the discussion on the safety of foreign reporters. Was Yamamoto too close to the fighting? Should she have been forbidden to report directly from Syria considering the danger?

Yamamoto, like every other foreign correspondent, chose to pursue this particular field of journalism, knowing the risks. News networks will support these foreign reporters the best they can without giving too many restrictions. There are also other subjects they will cover as they search to give the world a complete picture of the country they are reporting on.

Bryan Denton has worked in the Middle East as a foreign correspondent for seven years. He is a freelance photographer with the New York Times as his primary client. He has documented upheavals in Afghanistan, Libya and Syria, to name a few. According to him, foreign reporters are aware and accept the danger they put themselves in.

Denton’s desire to become a foreign reporter stems from his fascination with history. As a child, he would read history books to understand how history shaped the world around him. Getting a front row seat to witness conflict and change is what incited him to become a foreign correspondent in the Middle East.

“I think the idea of conflict as part of the human experience has always interested me,” said Denton. “War has theoretical boundaries and characteristics, but its roots and causes are often unique and incredibly complex, and every conflict I’ve seen has been very different from the others.”

However, the price of being so close to the violence is sacrificing part of your safety. Denton said he spends lots of time planning his movements, such as finding the safest route to the frontlines.

“A lot of people think that we just rush in,” he said. “But in reality, there’s quite a bit of logistical planning that goes into reporting on conflict.’

Even the news agency he occasionally associates himself with will not push him towards a dangerous area. When he was working for the New York Times on an assignment for example, he said the editors “were always very clear about their desire for [him] not to take any unneeded risks. At times, the newspaper has sent a security advisor to help coordinate movements and provide medical support.” Despite these precautions, the newspaper usually trusted him to make the right decisions to ensure his safety.

Denton also said that as a reporter in a danger zone, he was equipped at all times with body armour, which included a vest and helmet, and a personal medical kit. He considers his medical kit, and his knowledge of how to properly use it, his prized possession.

Foreign correspondents don’t only report from the frontlines of a war zone in the midst of gunfire.

“The most interesting pictures are away from the frontline combat,” said Denton. “They are in hospitals, homes, and places where people are trying to survive.” He believes photographs of ordinary people in such countries are the best way to illustrate a specific conflict.

“Eventually, you need to look elsewhere or else you’re just putting yourself in more danger, searching for the same pictures you already have,” he said.

Correspondents that report exclusively from war zones are few and far between. Most are searching for ways to describe a country and its sociopolitical complexities in its entirety in a way that can resonate with strangers. Just like Denton, who demonstrates the ever present fear in Syria by posting a photograph of a rebel sleeping with his sniper rifle, foreign reporters will search past the battlefield for the real stories that lie hidden beyond the violence.

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