Tag: canada

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Opinions

Affordable tuition should be nationwide

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

Education in Quebec feels like a right; in the rest of Canada it seems like a privilege

The average Canadian undergraduate student pays up to twice as much in tuition as Quebec students do, and I believe that needs to change. A post-secondary education in this province costs full-time students less than $4,000 over the course of two semesters to complete 30 credits. Ontario, on the other hand, is the most expensive province, with students paying over $8,000 in tuition per year, according to The Globe and Mail.

To students who live outside of this province, it is hard to comprehend why Quebec students have protested against their tuition rates so often in the last decade. Quebecers complain about many things, but tuition fees are not worth it in my opinion. In fact, it can feel like a bit of an insult to other students across the country who are forced to balance a substantial work week and their studies in order to afford university.

I am an Ontario resident, and during my last year of high school, I worked three jobs to be able to afford my $8,698 annual tuition in Quebec. Even when out-of-province students choose to study at a Quebec university, they still can’t get as good of a deal as Quebec students. Montreal Gazette columnist and editor of Policy magazine L. Ian MacDonald described the attitude of Quebec university students best when he wrote: “They don’t know how good they have it.”

MacDonald’s sentiment certainly rings true when you look at the fact that Quebec undergraduate students are less likely to complete their degree than Ontario students. According to The Globe and Mail, the probability of Quebec students obtaining an undergraduate degree in 2005 was 30.2 per cent compared to 38 per cent for students in Ontario. I am surprised that, despite lower tuition rates, Quebec students are so much less likely to complete their undergrad. I would have assumed lower tuition fees would result in higher participation and graduation rates.

Whether Quebecers are taking advantage of their tuition rates or not, it’s clear why low tuition fees are advantageous in the first place: accessibility. Lower university tuition rates make higher education more affordable and, therefore, more accessible to people of varying socio-economic status. This is why I believe low tuition rates should be adopted nationwide, not just in Quebec.

Quebec has “one of the most successful systems of post-secondary education we have in the country,” according to Roxanne Dubois, a chairperson of the Canadian Federation of Students organization. “We are lucky enough to have a model that we can point to as something that recognizes that education should be something that should be available to everyone, regardless your social status,” she told CBC News Montreal.

Despite Nova Scotia having the lowest minimum wage out of all Canadian provinces, at $10.85 an hour, according to the non-profit organization Retail Council of Canada, their university fees are still nearly twice as expensive as in Quebec.

When a student must pay so much to attend university, failure is not an option. I believe shouldering a constant financial fear about your educational success is unfair. And yet, because our society places such value on obtaining a university degree, students across the country are making whatever sacrifices they can to pay these steep costs.

The many years of protesting tuition fees in Quebec should be an eye-opener for other provinces that a change needs to be made. Affordable tuition rates should be implemented across the country so that everyone can learn without the fear of going broke.

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

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Opinions

O Canada, our home is Native land

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin

Quebec needs to be more honest about the province’s history of injustice towards Indigenous people

I believe that for decades, Quebec has been hiding shameful truths about the province’s past to maintain a good image. As a result, its citizens have been living in blissful ignorance for far too long, and we have made Indigenous peoples suffer for even longer.

In my opinion, a major reason Indigenous issues have seen very little progress in recent years is because generations still aren’t being told truths about Canada’s history. Most generations were taught Quebec’s history through the eyes of a white man.

Elementary and high school curriculums essentially teach students that white people have always been superior to Indigenous people, beginning with how Christopher Columbus “discovered” America. When European colonizers realized other human beings had lived on this land for centuries, they decided to convert these “savages” to Christianity and teach them the white man’s way of life—what they believed was the right way to live.

Thus, history lessons are based on excuses about the “duty” of Europeans to “civilize” Indigenous peoples for the “greater good.” Although Quebec’s high school curriculum was changed in 2017 to include more Indigenous perspectives, according to CBC News, I believe it still doesn’t do enough to explain the extent of Indigenous peoples’ struggles.

This idea of white dominance over Indigenous peoples is embedded in our brains during childhood, and I believe this is why we have not progressed as a nation. The legacy of the mistreatment of Indigenous peoples is seen today in their high rates of poverty, mental and physical health issues, food insecurity and suicide rates, according to The Globe and Mail. Not only does our history neglect those who lived on this land first, it also demeans an entire group of people.

When I was taught Quebec’s history, the material rarely mentioned First Nations people. Instead, it prioritized the history of white Quebecers. The province’s history curriculum has many undeniable flaws, but the biggest one is the failure to acknowledge and properly teach students about residential schools in Canada.

From 1880 to 1996, residential schools tore families apart and subjected Indigenous children to years of physical, sexual and mental abuse. Entire generations grew up without the chance to learn their culture, language or traditions. Residential schools resulted in a cultural genocide. Indigenous children were told that if they spoke their language or practiced their traditions, they would suffer terrible consequences.

These horrible conditions scarred generations of Indigenous peoples, and the consequences of the residential school system are still present in their communities. The infant mortality rate for some First Nations communities is nearly four times the national average, according to a 2013 CBC News article. The suicide rate for young Indigenous men are 10 times higher than those of non-Indigenous youth, according to 2000 data reported in The Guardian. Not to mention the unclean water, poor education, bad housing and lack of job prospects that many Indigenous communities face, according to the Toronto Star.

I believe these issues still exist due to a lack of awareness and care, which is something the government should be held responsible for. As a nation, we have neglected Indigenous peoples. We have let them down for centuries, and progress will never come unless the truth is taught. Future generations must learn about the impact that residential schools and colonization continue to have on Canada’s Indigenous communities. A lack of education about these issues has shielded many Canadians from the harsh reality Indigenous people face everyday.

In my opinion, this ignorance has led Quebecers to feel less empathy towards Indigenous people. More has to be done, and it needs to be done better. Our children deserve an honest education, and most importantly, First Nations people deserve to have their histories told. In the words of the wise Malala Yousafzai, an education activist, “There are many problems, but I think there is a solution to all these problems; it’s just one, and it’s education.”

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin

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Student Life

Welcome to Canada…or not

From left, Samuel Fafard, Hicham Khanafer, Richard Goldman, Florence Bourdeau, Aude Mary and Mireille Métellus. Photo by Alex Hutchins

The School of Community and Public Affairs hosted a panel on the challenges of integration

“To those fleeing persecution, terror and war, Canadians will welcome you, regardless of your faith. Diversity is our strength #WelcomeToCanada,” tweeted Prime Minister Justin Trudeau a little over a year ago. The hashtag he used inspired the title of a panel hosted by the Concordia School of Community and Public Affairs (SCPA) on Feb. 6. The French-language discussion focused on the challenges of integration and protection asylum seekers face in Canada.

The topic is timely and relevant, as Canada maintains its welcoming reputation. In 2017 alone, nearly 50,000 asylum claims were made, which is more than double the number of asylum seekers Canada welcomed in 2016, according to the Quebec Ministry of Immigration, Diversity and Inclusion.

Many terms are used to describe newcomers to a country, including refugee, asylum seeker or immigrant. Although these words are often used interchangeably by the public, each comes with different rights and advantages. According to Richard Goldman, an immigration lawyer with the Comité d’aide aux réfugiés and one of the event’s panelists, there is a significant distinction between somebody who comes to Canada seeking refugee status and someone who claims to be an asylum seeker.

“If we take, for example, the 40,000 Syrian refugees who came here two years ago, they were selected abroad and were either government-sponsored or privately-sponsored by relatives,” Goldman said. “Once they land in Canada, they already have the status of a permanent resident.”

Permanent resident (PR) status gives a person most of the social benefits available to citizens, such as healthcare coverage and a work or study permit. After living in Canada for a certain amount of time, people with PR status can apply for Canadian citizenship.

For asylum seekers, the process is quite different. After arriving by plane or crossing the border (often illegally), asylum seekers make a refugee claim to the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB). If that claim is approved, they obtain protected person status, and only then can they apply for PR status.

According to Goldman, because of regulatory changes made in 2012 and a lack of resources, processing a claim and setting up a hearing with the IRB can take up to 18 months rather than the 60 days it used to take. “The system has become complex,” he said.

Panelist Mireille Métellus, who is in charge of welcoming newcomers at La Maison d’Haïti community group, added that, if an asylum seeker’s request is denied by the IRB, they can appeal the decision and other courses of action are available to obtain the protected person status.

The Table de concertation des organismes au service des personnes réfugiées et immigrantes (TCRI) is a collaboration between nearly 100 organizations working to support and protect refugees and immigrants in Quebec. The group’s project manager, Florence Bourdeau, was also among the panelists. She explained that, while protected persons do not have the same access to healthcare as someone with PR status, they have the right to apply to the Interim Federal Health Program. In theory, this offers them limited, temporary healthcare coverage. However, Bourdeau said only four clinics in Montreal accept this type of coverage. The reason it is not more widely accepted, she explained, is often because many clinics don’t know about this type of coverage, or because the payment method takes longer to process.

Bourdeau also emphasized that other services offered by the Quebec Ministry of Immigration, Diversity and Inclusion, such as employment and housing services, are only available to PR holders.

Métellus said the process asylum seekers have to follow to obtain the PR status is inefficient. For example, protected persons have the right to send their children to school, but in order to do so, they need to provide an address. Yet most asylum seekers, Métellus explained, are placed in temporary housing for up to a month, and finding affordable housing is a problem for most newcomers. In addition, many protected person families can’t afford to send their young children to kindergarten or find available spots. If their children can’t be put in school, mothers will usually end up staying home, which affects their ability to enter the workforce, Bourdeau explained. “We document these issues at the TCRI. Clearly, discrimination exists,” she said. “Work needs to be done to improve this system.”

This discussion of how the current requirements make it harder for asylum seekers to integrate into society led to a question about systemic discrimination in the early stages of integration posed by panel moderator Hicham Khanafer, the project manager at the Centre social d’aide aux immigrants (CSAI). Bourdeau responded by claiming protected persons have a harder time finding a job than someone with PR status, even after they receive a work permit. This is because protected persons are not eligible for the government programs that help permanent residents find employment and navigate the Quebec labour market, she explained.

Panelist Frantz André, a member of the Comité d’action des personnes sans statut, said he agreed with the panelists, and has witnessed the discrimination and abuse vulnerable asylum seekers face when looking for employment or housing. Aude Mary, a researcher at the Bureau d’intégration des nouveaux arrivants à Montréal (BINAM), added that these people are a vulnerable clientele because their lack of knowledge about Quebec laws is often exploited.

In response, the BINAM is creating a commission that will intervene when employers or agencies take advantage of asylum seekers. Mary said she hopes Montreal’s decision last year to become a sanctuary city will lead to the development of more resources and services for newcomers since, according to Mary, more than 99 per cent of asylum seekers who arrive in Montreal stay on the island.

Photo by Alex Hutchins

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Opinions

“In all of us command” excludes some Canadians

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

A change to the national anthem should have been decided by the people—not the government

After almost two years of debate in the House of Commons, a line in the national anthem was officially changed from “in all thy sons command” to “in all of us command” on Feb. 7 for the sake of gender-neutrality. The change was originally put forward in 2016 by the late Liberal member of Parliament Mauril Bélanger.

According to Historica Canada, the original French version of “O Canada” was written in 1880 by Sir Adolphe-Basile Routhier. It did not feature the “sons command” line, nor did the original English version reportedly first sung in 1901. The “O Canada” we are all familiar with emerged around the time of the First World War. In 1908, Montreal lawyer Robert Stanley Weir wrote an English version of the anthem to celebrate Quebec City’s 300th anniversary, according to Historica Canada. It was in 1916 that Weir’s line “thou dost in us command” was changed to “in all thy sons command.”

Although the latest change to the national anthem is more inclusive, I find it difficult to celebrate. My biggest issue with the change is not the line itself, but the fact that the decision was left to the government rather than voted on in a referendum.

I believe the Canadian people, not politicians, should have voted on a change that affects how their country is represented across the world. If the anthem change had been put to a referendum and decided by the people, I would not have objected. I understand that, in this country, majority rules. I still would not have been happy with the change, but at least I would have felt my voice had been heard, and I would respect the choice of my fellow Canadians.

Not only was the decision left to politicians, but according to CBC News, a motion was put forward by Independent Ontario senator Frances Lankin to bypass debate and move to a vote. As such, Conservative senator Don Plett from Manitoba, who was vocally against the bill, never got to speak in front of Parliament. Is this how our government is supposed to work? Although the Conservative Party boycotted Lankin’s motion and missed the vote, I still can’t help but feel any opposition to this decision went unheard.

The third issue I have with this situation is the Liberal Party’s obsession with political correctness. I believe the party has developed a sort of crusade to gender-neutralize everything in Canada, whether it’s the anthem or Prime Minister Justin Trudeau interrupting a woman’s question at a town hall to correct her use of “mankind” to “peoplekind.” He is now being mocked for it by some commentators, including Good Morning Britain’s Piers Morgan. Although Trudeau responded to the criticism by calling his comment a “dumb joke,” his action seemed sincere, and the point remains.

In my opinion, the change to the anthem was completely unnecessary. Growing up and listening to the anthem in school, we knew “sons” wasn’t gendered to disavow women from being included as Canadians. I fear this change will create a domino effect through Parliament as the Liberal Party carves out parts of the anthem and our society that don’t fit their agenda.

Finally, it’s impossible to ignore that this was a complete waste of time. The change was up for debate for 18 months. Do our politicians not have anything better to discuss? There are issues within Indigenous communities that must be addressed. There’s the Alberta-B.C. trade war and relations with the United States. Yet, Parliament feels their time is best spent arguing over a song that is more than 100 years old.

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

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Sports

Fighting for the Olympic dream

Jade Dufour didn’t have an Olympic dream until grade 10, and now that’s her goal. Photo by Alex Hutchins.

Stingers wrestler Jade Dufour is aiming to win a world title

Most kids play soccer growing up. For Concordia Stingers wrestler Jade Dufour, that didn’t really cut it.

“My parents saw that I was kind of done with it, so they figured they had to find something else,” she said. “They looked into karate. Since then, I’ve always been involved in physical contact sports.”

From mixed martial arts (MMA) to Brazilian jiu-jitsu, Dufour’s parents wanted their children to learn how to defend themselves. “Thank God, because I wouldn’t mess with me or my brother,” Dufour said. “I was already used to being hit and being put into awkward positions.”

Making that transition from MMA to wrestling did take some time for Dufour because of the varying techniques and rules. However, once she finally committed to wrestling in high school in Windsor, Ont., she fell in love.

Even though she loved the sport, she hadn’t considered the “Olympic dream” to be a possibility until grade 10, when she attended the Canada Summer Games in Sherbrooke, Que., and met Martine Dugrenier, a three-time world champion wrestler from Montreal. Dugrenier is now a coach with the Stingers.

“She had come down to Windsor to train with us, and a few of [my teammates] stayed at my house,” Dufour said. “Martine was in my room. This was right after she had competed at the Olympics in London. I was freaking out. She asked, ‘Hey do want to start wrestling at the next level?’ She thought I had potential so I should continue.”

Dufour competed in the 43-kilogram weight class and won gold at that 2013 Canada Summer Games.

Jade Dufour said winning bronze at the 2016 World Junior Wrestling Championship has been her proudest moment as a Stinger. Photo by Brianna Thicke.

When it came time to choosing a university, Dufour said she didn’t hesitate.

“Concordia had the program I liked, which is exercise science, but I loved the technicality of the wrestling club,” Dufour said.

She liked the individual attention that head coach Victor Zilberman put into their training. Working on individual performances while still training as a collective team was something that separated Concordia from other programs she visited.

As an exercise science student, Dufour said she feels like she has used her knowledge in the classroom and has been able to translate it to her work on the mat. Her interest in the topic really began when she fractured her ankle in high school. Dufour went through her physiotherapy rehab, and thought healing a body was interesting. She then enrolled in a kinesiology class in her senior year of high school.

“I can relate to this so much because I am an athlete,” the third-year Stinger said. “I feel like I know what’s happening to my body better. I understand how to cope and prevent injuries myself. The two go together nicely.”

Looking back on three years with the Stingers wrestling team, she counts winning bronze at the 2016 World Junior Wrestling Championship in Macon, France, as one of her proudest moments. Not because of the medal, but because of how she feels she responded to adversity after losing her first match of the tournament.

“I had to do a 360-degree turn in my attitude,” Dufour said. “Getting over that loss and the fact that I was able to get myself prepared and in that zone—I didn’t know if I was going to be able to wrestle. It happened, you can’t go back and change it, and to be honest, I wouldn’t change it.”

Even though this is her third season with the Stingers, outside of school, this is Dufour’s first season wrestling in the senior division against other wrestlers from across the country. In March, Dufour will be competing at the National Championship in Montreal.

At the senior level, there are no beginners. Every athlete wants to make it to the Olympics, and every athlete is competing for a spot on the national team.

“Hopefully I’ll do well in my first senior year,” Dufour said. “To make the Canadian national team against all of the kids who have been wrestling for 16 plus years, it would be something else. I’ve been on the world team at the junior level quite a few times.”

To make the senior roster and join Stingers teammate Laurence Beauregard, Dufour needs to make a smooth transition from the junior division to senior. Doing so would require her to refine the technical elements of her game. In the 48-kilogram division she usually competes in, Dufour is almost always one of the smaller competitors.

“I’m wrestling people who are bigger and stronger, but if I put all the effort in, correct my mistakes and basically give it my all, [I could] become a successful senior athlete and not just a kid who was good at the junior [level],” she said, adding: “I want that Olympic dream.”

Dufour talked about what she needs to practice this season, including attention to detail and total focus during her training. “I’m going to try my [hardest] to make the team,” she said. “However, I still have work to do. I’m not just aiming for a national title; I’m aiming for a world title.”

Main photo by Alex Hutchins.

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Opinions

Focusing on the problems in front of us

We’ve all heard the comments about Canada being a safe haven for Americans. We’ve seen Americans flee their country after electing President Donald Trump to avoid the heated political climate or deportation. Given our close proximity, comparisons are continuously made between the United States and Canada in terms of our politics, economy, healthcare, news industry and even entertainment. In most cases these days, Canada seems to come out on top.

Statistically speaking, Canada seems better than the United States on many fronts. According to Maclean’s, Canadians live 2.5 years longer than Americans; we’re also six times less likely to be incarcerated. In the United States, 46 per cent of the population obtains a college degree, whereas 59 per cent of Canadians have one.
The World Economic Forum ranks Canadians as the sixth happiest people in the world, whereas Americans rank 13th. The Cato Institute’s Human Freedom Index claims Canadians to be the sixth freest people in the world, and Americans are 23rd—even though they boast being the “land of the free.”

When considering these factors, it’s hard not to argue that Canadians are living a better life than their southern neighbours. Yet this mentality can often result in Canada’s problems—of which there are many—being taken less seriously or even ignored.

Take Indigenous issues for example. Canadians and Americans alike closely followed coverage of the Standing Rock protests against the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline, which threatened Indigenous land and water supplies. Yet when was the last time we checked up on the progress of Canada’s national public inquiry into the murders and disappearances of Indigenous women and girls? How often do we read news stories about the numerous Indigenous communities in Canada living without access to clean drinking water, adequate healthcare or accessible education?

Similarly, from the Ferguson riots in 2014 to the recent comments made by President Donald Trump about “shithole” countries, news stories about racism seem to pour out of the United States, diluting any incidents happening here in Canada. This does not mean the treatment of marginalized groups in our country is any better.

As journalist Desmond Cole once said, “People in Canada generally will do anything to avoid talking about race.” But we need to talk about the fact that, between 2005 and 2015, the number of black inmates in Canadian prisons jumped by 69 per cent, according to The Guardian. In Toronto, 41 per cent of youth in the child welfare services are black, despite representing only eight per cent of the city’s youth population. In 2015, Canadian police recorded 159 hate crimes against Muslims, according to Global News. This was up from 45 in 2012—a 253 per cent increase.

So while Canada may seem better than the United States by comparison, that in no way absolves us of our many shortcomings as a progressive society. We must peel our eyes away from the car crash on the other side of the border, and focus on the road in front of us. We are so caught up in what’s happening on the other side of the highway that we’re creating traffic in our own lane.

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth 

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Opinions

The pot-ential of legalization in Canada

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin.

Industry regulations, police resources among factors to consider before July 2018 legislation

The legalization of marijuana in Canada is a major step in the country’s history. This is an issue that impacts society on a fundamental level. In my opinion, how each province handles and adapts to the changes resulting from this legislation will be an important part of the transition.

In July 2018, the Quebec government will officially recognize Bill 172. This bill introduces the legalization of marijuana, along with several key points. Firstly, the legal age to purchase and consume marijuana will be 18 in Quebec, according to CBC News. Secondly, the bill prohibits the growing of marijuana for personal use or growing it for commercial use if it is conducted outside the laws established by the provincial government.

Additionally, under the bill, marijuana can be smoked in areas permitting tobacco smoking, but it will be strictly forbidden to smoke on the property of an educational institution, according to the same source. And, of course, driving under the influence will still be against the law. Anyone caught driving while under the influence, or suspected of being under the influence, could have their license suspended for 90 days or even face jail time, according to CBC News.

Concerned citizens and several Quebec officials are still hesitant about the idea of legalizing marijuana. Some believe that by legalizing it, younger citizens could be influenced to pick up the habit, according to the Montreal Gazette. I believe these concerns are justified.

Even though marijuana will be legalized, the long-time criminal element associated with it remains, and law enforcement officials are striving to postpone its legalization date. They are insistent that the bill must allow for stricter regulations when it comes to managing this new industry. This includes making sure companies and the health ministry have stricter security clearances for employees to avoid introducing organized crime into the legalized marijuana industry, according to the National Post. Many law enforcement officials also believe police require additional training and resources—besides the saliva test, which has yet to be federally regulated—in order to identify and handle impaired drivers, according to CBC News.

While valid points, I believe it’s also important to see the good that this legalization can bring. One major example is that, according to a study published in the journal JAMA Internal Medicine, medical marijuana could help combat the opioid crisis. Since 2015, the opioid crisis has become a dangerous problem for Canadians. In 2016, there were over 2,800 reported fatalities in connection to opioid overdoses in Canada, according to The Globe and Mail.

Portugal is one example of successful marijuana legalization. Since 2001, the country has legalized all drugs up to a certain amount, including marijuana, and each legal limit varies per drug. According to Sensi Seeds, a cannabis seed marketing company, carrying up to 2.5 grams of marijuana is legal in Portugal. However, trafficking and cultivating marijuana is still illegal and could result in jail time, according to the same source. Portugal has seen several advantages, including a decline in drug overdoses. Within the European Union, Portugal has the second lowest rate of fatal overdoses, according to the Washington Post.

Make no mistake—I am not saying we should be legalizing all drugs. I am saying that legalizing marijuana may have the potential to do some good within certain communities. By following and adapting our policies to the examples set by the legislations in other countries, Quebec can create policies that provide strict safety and security regulations for marijuana. There is also a potential benefit to people’s health, especially when considering the opioid crisis.

However, such a sensitive issue requires patience. While I wouldn’t say no to the idea, I am saying that we need more time to finalize all the details and appeal to all the groups involved. In my opinion, if we rush this process, the consequences could result in severe social backlash.

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin

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Opinions

Vandalism: An occasionally necessary subversion

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

Can vandalism of historical statues ever be justified as activism?

My views towards vandalism always depend on the circumstances, but I do believe it can be justified to promote change.

In the past month, Canada’s first prime minister has been in the headlines. According to a Montreal Gazette article published on Nov. 12, an anonymous group of “anti-colonial anti-racists” claimed responsibility for spray-painting a statue of Sir John A. Macdonald in Place du Canada in downtown Montreal. The group filmed themselves in the act and posted the video online. The same article specified that the activists claimed Macdonald was a “white supremacist.”

According to works published by Timothy Stanley, a professor at the University of Ottawa, it appears Macdonald was indeed the first to incorporate racism into Canadian politics. He hated the Chinese, wove laws allowing colonialists to profit from Aboriginal property, and believed an Aryan Canada was key to a successful future, according to Stanley. Allowing problematic figures to remain glorified in ore not only casts a shadow on our public spaces in a literal sense, but also on our identity as an egalitarian society. In my opinion, if Canada prides itself on promoting freedom and acceptance, it must recognize the faults in its initial development.

Acknowledging past racism is important. Recognition serves as a tool for reconciliation and a sign of respect towards those who were preyed on throughout history. If the government does not address aspects of its antecedents and instead allows racist figures to remain honoured in statues, memorial buildings and commemorative plaques, I believe it actively encourages institutionalized racism. Every individual’s vision of progress is subjective. While I might believe vandalizing a statue of Macdonald is a way to demolish respect for supremacists, others will surely disagree.

Yet if Macdonald thought it was acceptable to exclude entire cultures from a developing Canada, are we not allowed to believe it’s acceptable to deface his statue with red paint? In my opinion, “damaging property” is sometimes the most productive way to promote change.

Yet, I do not always agree with others who use vandalism to convey a message, such as the anonymous graffiti artist Banksy. I find his street pieces, which comment on issues that plague the world, extremely clever and tasteful. However, due to his disagreements with the concept of institutionalized art, he also has a history of defacing paintings preserved in galleries.

I view these modifications—such as painting a gas mask on a woman’s face in a piece at the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art—as counterproductive in the spread of free art philosophies. Banksy’s tweaking of other individuals’ work seems more like a juvenile prank than a calculated move. The purpose of the Macdonald vandalism was to debase a racist, whereas Banksy’s modifications just disrespect artworks.

Some might feel that vandalizing Macdonald’s statue is too radical. However, racism is sadly embedded in Canada’s past, therefore society must make an effort to recognize injustice in an attempt to achieve equality. I believe many of us want to break away from what the founders of Canada’s Confederation built off of. However, if our streets are still sprinkled with statues of known racists and colonialists, is it possible to be progressive? There are peaceful ways to protest without paint, but I believe vandalism expedites change by calling attention to injustices that hide in plain sight around our cities.

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

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Opinions

With remembrance should come appreciation

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin.

More initiatives like the Invictus Games are needed to offer purpose and strength to veterans

In the aftermath of any war, I believe nothing is more important than honouring the contributions and sacrifices made by the soldiers who fought in them, regardless of their age, gender or nationality.

This year marks the 100th anniversary of the Battle of Passchendaele and the Battle of Vimy Ridge, as well as the 75th anniversary of the Battle of Dieppe. These historic battles transformed Canada into the country it is today. According to a public opinion survey by Historica Canada, 29 per cent of Canadians intended to attend a Remembrance Day ceremony this year. The results of this poll indicate a three-point increase compared to the attendance in 2016.

On Saturday, Nov. 11, thousands of people, both military and civilian, gathered on Parliament Hill in Ottawa to honour the sacrifices of our country’s soldiers and veterans. According to Craig Oliver, the chief political commentator for CTV News, the crowds at Remembrance Day ceremonies 30 years ago were far smaller than they are today. Oliver attributed the growth over the years to the increasing number of young veterans.

“A new generation has learned to appreciate that sense of self-sacrifice that the military represents,” Oliver stated during the televised live coverage of the ceremony. “It’s great to see crowds growing the way they are, and it’s particularly great to see young people coming out, appreciating self-sacrifice, as young people do. More than my generation ever did.”

After returning home from a war zone, it is easier for younger veterans to appreciate the sacrifices of their contemporaries compared to veterans who are a few generations older, according to David O’Keefe, a history professor at Marianopolis College and a former member of the Black Watch (Royal Highland Regiment) of Canada. This results in a higher turnout for military ceremonies like Remembrance Day, he added.

Unfortunately, regardless of this increased appreciation, I believe there are still many problems that hinder our veterans from enjoying a peaceful life. According to an article from The Globe and Mail, veterans still face a myriad of issues ranging from homelessness to trouble with pensions to mental illness. For example, O’Keefe said, even though there is a stronger medical understanding of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), this doesn’t mean the government or society has done enough to help veterans deal with this issue.

My conversation with O’Keefe showed me that society and the government in Canada are not putting enough importance on improving healthcare and pensions to help struggling veterans. Fortunately, noticeable efforts are slowly being made to help veterans adjust to post-military life in terms of their mental health and social interactions. One such initiative is the Invictus Games, an international multi-sport event for wounded and handicapped veterans and their associates, that was launched in 2014.

According to O’Keefe, the Invictus Games help make the return of wounded veterans to civilian society seamless and restore a sense of normalcy to their lives. According to the Toronto Star, adaptive sports like the Invictus Games are a new way to offer support to veterans and their families. Sports give veterans a purpose and mission again, and can help them improve their mental and physical health. “You are capable and still able,” O’Keefe said about this change in mentality for wounded soldiers. “You are differently abled, as opposed to disabled.”

Sporting events are also a chance for veterans to reforge a bond of camaraderie with their peers, and to use these bonds to inspire and educate others about their experience, according to the Toronto Star.

As times change, so does our inclination to honour the deeds and sacrifices of our veterans. Especially with the number of World War II soldiers dwindling with every passing year. Today, we must evolve beyond the idea of remembrance to enter a new age of appreciation for those who defend and protect our nation.

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin

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Opinions

Another manifestation of Islamophobia in Quebec

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin.

How the construction and timing of Bill 62 is just another election campaign tactic

It’s disheartening that the same society that supports a woman’s choice to wear a short, black dress criminalizes a woman’s right to wear a long, black burka.

Since the National Assembly passed Bill 62 on Oct. 18, people have voiced mixed opinions about the “religious neutrality” law. The bill states that in order to give or receive public services—like public transit, healthcare and educational services—a person must have an uncovered face, according to the Montreal Gazette. While Bill 62 doesn’t explicitly target Muslim women who wear a face veil (the burka or niqab), it seems obvious the bill is geared towards that minority.

The fact that this religious neutrality bill was voted into law beneath a crucifix hanging in the National Assembly is as hypocritical as it gets. If Quebec really wanted religious neutrality, they would get rid of any symbol that directly refers to a religion—not just Islamic symbols like face coverings. Quebec doesn’t seem to know where it stands on religious neutrality, which just stirs up more confusion and controversy.

In Quebec, the exact number of Muslim women who wear a face veil is unknown, but according to the social research forum Environics Institute, three per cent of women in Canada wear the niqab. That number is even less in Quebec—which raises an important question. Why spend so much time and effort creating a law that marginalizes such a small group of women? The answer, I’ve realized, is a sickening election campaign trend in this province.

With less than a year until the provincial elections, this law has taken media outlets by storm and has created a tense, divisive political climate in Quebec. People are once again divided over a debate about Muslim women’s choice to wear what they want. It brings us back to 2013, when Parti Québécois leader Pauline Marois attempted to remove all religious symbols under the guise of the Charter of Values.

“This ban shows that the government is trying to steer away attention from real issues,” said Razia Hamidi, the Montreal representative of the National Council of Canadian Muslims. “It’s not a priority for Quebecers. We’ve seen polls from the Angus Reid Institute that show that this issue is rated as very low priority. So why does the government continuously bring it up and give it so much attention?” In Hamidi’s opinion, the fact that this debate is happening with an election around the corner isn’t a coincidence and isn’t acceptable. “They can’t go around pushing such legislation whenever they need to get their voting rates up.”

A new Angus Reid Institute poll suggests 70 per cent of Quebec respondents favour the ban, while 23 per cent discourage it and only eight per cent say the niqab should be welcomed, according to the Montreal Gazette. Another poll from the same institute found that one in five Quebecers said Bill 62 would be an important factor when deciding which party to support, according to CBC News.

It seems to me the Liberals are playing a game of identity politics by attempting to appease future voters who dislike the niqab. And in a province where 42 per cent of the population dislike Islam, according to a 2016 Forum Research poll, it is an unfortunately effective tactic.

A conversation with Hafsa Hussain, a Muslim woman from Montreal, furthered my understanding of how strong anti-Muslim sentiments already are in Quebec. “I wear the hijab and abaya (a long loose dress). As it stands, I have received many verbal assaults out in public,” she said.

Hussain said she feels Bill 62 wasn’t intended for security reasons, but was a product of Islamophobia. “There hasn’t been a single case where a person wearing the niqab has posed any kind of threat,” she said. “I don’t see how this is a security issue. Whenever identification is required, women wearing the niqab don’t have any problems with complying and showing their faces. We have so many problems in Quebec to tackle, I find it ridiculous that they spent their time discussing dress codes instead of housing, health and education problems, to name just a few.”

At a press conference on Oct. 24, Quebec Justice Minister Stéphanie Vallée attempted to reassure citizens that they would only be required to uncover their faces for identification purposes and when speaking directly with a public service employee. This would nonetheless prevent veiled women from checking out library books, speaking with hospital staff, picking up their children from daycare or attending classes, according to CBC News.

Educational institutions like Dawson College and Université de Montréal were quick to insist that women who wear face coverings should still be allowed to attend class, according to the Montreal Gazette. Similarly, a McGill spokesperson said the university must accommodate religious differences and “will continue to do so.” Here at Concordia, the history department condemned the bill and the CSU announced its intent to take action against the the legislation. Concordia president Alan Shepard himself said the status quo will remain unchanged on campus.

While it’s refreshing to see people protesting against the bill and speaking up, it’s also important to analyze the construction of Bill 62 and understand where it comes from. The harsh truth is that it is just another manifestation of Islamophobia in Quebec. It targets a small group of women and criminalizes their choice to wear a religious garment.

This bill also emboldens those with Islamophobic biases. Among other remarks, I’ve often heard the question: “If they want to cover their face so badly, why don’t they go back to their country?” The thing is, those countries don’t preach diversity and acceptance—Canada does. Our federal government seems to pride itself on accepting and promoting immigration and multiculturalism. So why shouldn’t women be allowed to freely express their religious beliefs? Legislation like Bill 62 contradicts Canada’s identity as a nation, and therefore should hold no validity.

Truthfully, a lot of people misunderstand Islam and spend more time disliking the faith than learning about it. With a little bit of effort, people could come to understand why Muslim women choose to wear the face veil. Asking their opinions instead of assuming negative stereotypes about them could solve this entire ignorant debate.

Freedom of choice dictates that one should have the right to express their individuality whether it be in the form of a little, black dress or a long, black burka. The government should have no place in telling women what to wear. After all, we live in a free society for all. Don’t we?

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin

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Music

The best Canadian albums of the millennium

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin

The best of Canada, (from an American’s perspective)

20. Single Mothers – Negative Qualities (2014)

As a style, punk rock has always been rooted in emotional expression, or at least pessimism, but sounding legitimately irate on wax has often been the Achilles’ heel of bands whose rage is rendered contrived when translated in a studio. On Negative Qualities, Single Mothers’ first full-length album was a stellar effort on that front, tossing out vividly pissed-off imagery and lucid notions left and right. The album’s lyrical quips are all punctuated by plenty of solid riffs.

19. Fucked Up – David Comes To Life (2011)

The concept of the rock opera has become something of a lost art. The always prolific Fucked Up went out large and loud on their artistic statement, David Comes to Life. The album’s themes of love and self-discovery relate on a universal scale as well as in the context of a structured narrative. And up against these brick-house guitar arrangements, the script serves as just an added level of emotional investment.

18. Carly Rae Jepsen – Emotion (2015)

Emotion presents a more unified front than Carly Rae Jepsen’s lone hit “Call Me Maybe.” A-list songwriters and producers such as Sia, Devonté Hynes, Ariel Rechtshaid, Shellback and Greg Kurstin help Jepsen focus her bubbly pop effervescence into a cohesive sound that hits an irresistible sweet spot.

17. Destroyer – Kaputt (2011)

Kaputt utilizes 80s sophisti-pop, new romanticism and FM adult contemporary to deliver a wonderfully messy dive into maximalism. Atop that, it’s filled to the brim with twinkling synths and wailing trumpets and saxophones.

16. Majical Cloudz – Impersonator (2014)

The opening titular track is about as complex as Impersonator gets, with skeletal, off-kilter strings and vocal loops intersecting each other before Devon Welsh’s bulletproof baritone charges in with contemplative lyrics about insecurity and isolation. The rest is a chilling hatch patch of minimalistic electronic as desolate as Montreal winters that can fill a room with its ambition.

15. Women – Public Strain (2010)

While clinging to the lo-fi grit that made them such a varied but equally compelling group, Women broadened their horizons for this sophomore album. Two years in the making, Public Strain is more urgent than the debut in that the melodic parts are more corrosive, the tension is more palpable, and the shimmering, razor-sharp sonics are more evocative.

14. Ought – More Than Any Other Day (2014)

More Than Any Other Day snapshots the same kind of primal energy in all of Ought’s influences and filters them into a collection of songs that seamlessly volley between biting political punk and jittery post-punk finesse.

13. Japandroids – Post-Nothing (2009)

For their debut, Japandroids hit the ground running on Post-Nothing, a warm, endearingly jumbled disorder of fuzzy guitar, ecstatic drums and overly-optimism lyrics yelled in unison by guitarist Brian King and drummer David Prowse. The album’s childlike presentation is at times juvenile, but it captures a brand of buoyancy and nostalgic reminiscence for societal defiance that’s impossible not to bash along to.

12. Women – Women (2008)

At its most melodic, Women’s debut is a blend of noise and songcraft that adheres best when the band taps into its pop side. Underneath these nuggets of nervy, cavernous cacophony are some of the best distillations of high-octane pop of the millennium.

11. Grimes – Visions (2012)

On Visions, Claire Boucher further expands the esoteric sound she fostered on her past efforts, where her songs hovered in an infinite space loop one moment and hit the dancefloor in the next. Boucher’s baby-voiced vocals are so divisive yet intoxicating that you can’t help but envelop yourself in her otherworldly soundscapes.

10. White Lung – Deep Fantasy (2014)

Vancouver B.C.-based punks White Lung reached a blistering peak on their 2014 album, Deep Fantasy. The record is an unrelenting assault of thrash-crossover mastery. The intricate guitar leads and arresting vocal performances from singer Mish Way contribute to a rewarding set of songs that swirl by in less than 20 minutes.

9. Wolf Parade – Apologies to the Queen Mary (2005)

Wolf Parade enlists producer Isaac Brock on its debut, Apologized to the Queen Mary, using his attuned ear as a source to tinge their chrisp indie pop tunes into something larger than life, producing cinematic grace while acknowledging their debt to post-punk bands of yesteryear.

8. Crystal Castles – Crystal Castles (2008)

On their self-titled debut, Crystal Castles churn out eight-bit noise as auditorily challenging as an Atari game’s soundtrack. These sounds churn into something chaotic, and oftentimes moody pop with a warped exterior. It was an especially revelatory sound in an age defined by technological paranoia and uncertainty.

7. Crystal Castles – (II) (2010)

Crystal Castles are, at their core, an electropop band. But on the follow-up to their instant classic debut, the band takes the disjointed sonic trickery it specializes in and pushes its stylistically singular sound to new heights. (II) has a much darker, melodic edge and punchier sonics than its predecessor, while elaborating on the more ethereal components the band ventured into on its debut.

6. Japandroids – Celebration Rock (2012)

With an abundance of jumpy, anthemic chants as hooks, sung from the perspective of a naive young-adult on the verge of adulthood, Celebration Rock delivers on the earth-shattering ruckus, youthful gusto and fiery fervor Japandroids delivered with their debut, Post-Nothing.

5. New Pornographers – Twin Cinema (2005)

Twin Cinema is a sharp and abundantly enjoyable indie record which never lacks in its references to pop music. This is thanks to the zestful performances, contagious hooks, simplistic production approach and quick-wit writing, usually from the articulate vocabulary tongue of its members.

4. Preoccupations (FKA Viet Cong) – Viet Cong (2015)

Despite the eclectic range of industrial and post-punk viewpoints, Viet Cong manages to contain it all in a finely tuned, bone-chilling experience. The warped sounds permeating this record are unified by a strong stylistic line and unmatched energy.

3. The Unicorns – Who Will Cut Our Hair When We’re Gone? (2004)

Like their fantastical moniker implies, the Unicorns are playful, seemingly functioning in a mythical world of their own. Who Will Cut Our Hair When We’re Gone? ambitiously balances the band’s lo-fi leanings with acute experimental flourishes and a mastery for pop. This is held in tandem by an instrumental palette of synths, recorder and clarinet.

2. Death From Above 1979 – Heads Up (2002)

Taking notes from fellow two-piece acts such as Lightning Bolt and Liars, Death From Above 1979’s recipe for destruction is a pummeling, danceable fit of clamor with enough punk sensibilities for the indie kids and enough distortion for the noise addicts.

1. Arcade Fire – Funeral (2004)

Arcade Fire’s gorgeous debut is both poignant and empowering, and injected with a spirit that many indie-rock acts desperately lack. The band’s members operate in perfect synergy, pushing the album’s dense instrumental catalog to breathtaking musical vistas about childhood and the psychological trappings of adulthood.

Honourable mentions:

Drake – Nothing Was The Same (2013)

Mac DeMarco – 2 (2012)

Purity Ring – Shrines (2012)

METZ – METZ (2012)

Destroyer – Destroyer’s Rubies (2006)

Graphic by Zeze Le Lin

Categories
Opinions

Jagmeet Singh and the future of Canadian identity

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth.

As a visible minority, Singh’s NDP leadership win highlights a positive change in our country

Following the announcement of his NDP leadership win on Oct. 1, Jagmeet Singh said, “Canadians must stand united and champion a politics of courage to fight the politics of fear […] a politics of love to fight the growing politics of division,” reported CTV News.

Leading with 53 per cent of the ballot vote, Singh is the first person from a visible minority to be elected to lead a federal party in Canada, according to CTV News. In the aftermath of the election, many Canadians are asking what this historic moment could mean for the future of Canada’s identity.

According to an article from The Globe and Mail, at least 70 per cent of Canadians believe having a person of colour in a position of leadership at a national level is a good thing for Canada. Nonetheless, when the Angus Reid Institute surveyed 1,477 Canadians between Oct. 2 and 4, the results showed that 31 per cent would not vote for a Sikh man who wears a turban and carries a ceremonial kirpan knife—as Singh does.

Despite this statistic, it is an improvement compared to the results of a previous poll about Singh conducted in June. As a result of these improved statistics, there is growing belief that public acceptance of openly religious Sikh men has increased since Singh’s election victory, according to the same article by The Globe and Mail. Coupled with his young age, 38, making him the youngest leader the NDP has ever had, Singh’s success to date is nothing short of a breakthrough. Even though he still faces criticism from some because of his faith, Singh is diligent and dedicated to his work.

According to CBC News, Singh constantly faced criticism while growing up and was often bullied for being different. His childhood experiences in a society where minority groups are often looked down upon was a motivation for him. Singh dedicated himself to fighting for those who, like him, were and are still harassed for being different.

According to CBC News, one of Singh’s primary objectives is to show Canadians that he is more progressive and willing to go further than the Liberals. He has discussed his intentions to fight social oppression, denounce stereotypes about Sikh men and help eliminate racial profiling. In an interview with CBC News in May 2015, Singh claimed he had been a victim of racial profiling by Toronto police at least 10 times. He was later involved in pushing a motion to ban random police checks in Ontario that was implemented by the provincial government in 2016, according to CBC News.

Singh’s rise to power has shattered social barriers preventing the progressive evolution of Canada’s political identity. His acceptance by the NDP party and its supporters, as well as the growing support from his fellow Canadians, demonstrates a substantial step forward for Canada. Regardless of race and cultural background, Singh is making progress not just for himself, but for others who have been marginalized by society. He is opening the eyes of Canadians and working himself to the bone every day to renew and reconcile the relationship between Canadians with diverse backgrounds. If he, a member of a visible minority, can be accepted by Canadians of various cultures and faiths, then it speaks volumes for our progress as a multicultural nation.

And it does not stop here. Singh has only begun to change what it means to identify as Canadian. As his party’s new leader, Singh is beginning his campaign to reclaim the NDP’s title as the country’s most progressive party. As he explained in an interview with The Globe and Mail, Singh wants to transform the NDP into “the party that inspires, that truly touches the hearts of the people. We have to inspire because we have to win—we owe it to Canadians to do so.”

In a first step on his way to perhaps becoming prime minister, Singh is now touring the country to gain support from suburban ridings, which could potentially result in a significant shift of support for Singh and his party. Considering his current progress, I believe it’s highly likely Singh may once again defy the country’s expectations. Certainly he will continue to redefine what it means to be Canadian.

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

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