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Whether or not violence can affect positive change

Understanding the place of violence and its usefulness in North American politics

Is violence an effective way of achieving systemic change in our society? This question has been one of particular interest to anyone involved in current North American politics.

The discourse of far-right and even mainstream media outlets have demonized the radical left for some of its recent approaches to political protests. Take for example Donald Trump’s response to the Charlottesville protest, in which he condemned the violence of Nazis and those who protested against them in the same breath.

For the record, violent leftist protestors are a much smaller group than the media would have us believe. According to The Atlantic, “of the 372 politically-motivated murders recorded in the United States between 2007 and 2016, left-wing extremists committed less than two per cent […] right-wing extremists committed 74 per cent.”

However, there is a valuable conversation to be had about the effectiveness of violence—ranging from the destruction of property to the physical harm of individuals—as a response to hateful groups on the extreme right. This article will mostly leave out the question of morality because I believe that pacifism under a state that supports systemic violence is at least as immoral as taking up arms against it. I will instead consider whether violence is an effective means of dismantling the oppressive systems and groups in society.

One positive effect of violence from the left is that it sends a message to hateful ideologies that they are unwelcome in society. This was seen on the UC Berkeley campus where student protesters prevented Milo Yiannopoulos, a British political commentator for the extreme-right, from speaking in February, and again only a month ago, led to the cancellation of a right-wing event.

The cancellation of extreme-right gatherings for fear of counter-protesters has become a trend in American politics lately, which, in my opinion, is likely sending an unwelcome message to both supporters and anyone susceptible to these ideologies.

In a foreword to political activist Ward Churchill’s essay, Pacifism as Pathology, Dylan Rodriguez, an author and political activist himself, pointed out that violence against “a toxic social order has life-affirming possibilities for disempowered people.” It has the power to show these people that the social order can indeed be challenged and that they have the power to do so.

Consider what is being asked of the dominant class in society, when we say that we want to “change the system,” or “overthrow the social order.” It’s calling for an end to systemic oppression and inequality, which would require those powerful groups to give up their dominance over disenfranchised groups. Rodríguez has claimed the goal of these powerful groups is to preserve their own power. In the contradiction between their goal to maintain all of their power, and activists’ goal of redistributing the power in society lies the need for violence. Pacifism only represents tolerance of the current social order.

There are, however, convincing arguments against the left’s tactical use of violence. First, it could cause others to associate the left with violence, resulting in a loss of support among the more mainstream, less radical public who are turned off by such behavior. Right-wing news sources love when the left acts violently, because they can use it to discredit the morals—and thus the politics—of the entire group.

Violence is a chaotic force, and it can be difficult to control and use productively. It is my opinion that violence, when it is excessive and not properly thought out, does more harm than good. It should be reserved for times when it will positively benefit political goals—as an exclamation point to political rhetoric that won’t be heard or properly addressed through other tactics.

Violence may also prove tactically effective when openly hateful groups are preaching their ideologies. In these instances, violence will positively associate the left with an ideology that will not tolerate racism. I think that if no one is listening to a particular political group, then violence can be the only way to be heard, thus it would be unwise to completely rule it out as a method.

The challenge lies in using violence infrequently enough that it continues to be taken seriously, doesn’t spiral out of control and doesn’t soil the reputation of the left. For me, the question of violence is not whether we should use it or not, but rather when.

Graphic by Alexa Hawksworth

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You weren’t there: the front-lines of Ebola

Why no one has the right to judge the Texas Ebola victim

The United States is facing its first case of Ebola diagnosed on home-turf, and unsurprisingly, people aren’t taking it so well – least of all, the President of Liberia, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.

In an exclusive interview with the CBC, Sirleaf expressed her disappointment in her countryman for fleeing to the U.S. and spreading the virus to North America.

“With the U.S. doing so much to help us fight Ebola, and again one of our compatriots didn’t take due care, and so, he’s gone there and … put some Americans in a state of fear, and put them at some risk, and so I feel very saddened by that and very angry with him, to tell you the truth,” said Sirleaf, who added that she would likely press charges when the infected man — since identified as Thomas E. Duncan — was healthy enough to return to Liberia. (Which is, of course, optimistic thinking.)

Not that she doesn’t have a perfectly good reason: Duncan knew very well that he was susceptible to the virus, having helped carry a dying, Ebola-infected woman to a treatment centre (and back when she was refused). On top of this, on the airport forms, he denied having any contact with the disease at all. Knowing that, he boarded a plane — an act Sirleaf claims is inexcusable.

Firstly, let me say, what Duncan did was incredibly selfish and cowardly. Not only did he lie at the airport, but in doing so, he risked infecting everyone he came into contact with — including young children. What follows is no excuse for his actions, and it is completely and utterly within the jurisdiction of the Liberian authorities to penalize him to the full extent of the law.

But really — can we blame him?

I cannot imagine what Duncan must have been thinking or feeling after getting that woman to the centre, but I think we can at least commend the (perhaps stupid and misplaced) bravery it took to bring her there. He helped a 7-month pregnant woman in what I can only assume was an attempt to save her and her child’s life by bringing her to the proper authorities, where she could be quarantined and treated.

Unfortunately, they were at capacity and she had to be turned away. Even then, he did not abandon her: he helped her family get her back home, where she later died. Can you blame him – after seeing all that, knowing that he was possibly infected — for wanting to run to somewhere he could be treated? He had just seen first-hand that if he was infected, he would be turned away.

If you were in his shoes, would you have done any differently?

I know it doesn’t make it right, or acceptable, or even excusable.

But it does make him human.

And anyone saying they would do differently should do some serious introspection from their safe and secure high horse before they start throwing stones.

Note: Since the time of writing, the subject of the article, Thomas E. Duncan, passed away. He succumbed to Ebola at 7:51 a.m. on Oct. 8 at the Texas Health Presbyterian Hospital.

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