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Helping students feel safe while dealing with their mental health

The Access Centre for Students with Disabilities offers workshops to give students the tools they deserve on their journey

On Sept. 19, the Access Center for Student with Disabilities (ACSD) held the third part of their Coping with Anxiety online workshop, focusing on our thoughts and how to build a healthier relationship with them. The workshops are a four-part series offered to students registered in the ACSD. 

Moire Stevenson, the lead for disability accommodations at the ACSD, started doing these workshops at the university last year to help students with severe anxiety. 

She explained that a lot of students suffer from double down anxiety. This phenomenon happens when something triggers one’s anxiety and they start experiencing physical symptoms such as a racing heartbeat, heavy breathing, sweaty palms and weakness in the body. They then ask themselves why they’re getting anxious in the first place. The trigger, the physical response and the questioning topple on top of each other, causing double down anxiety. 

While the compilation of factors happening at once may be scary, Stevenson reassured students that anxiety itself doesn’t need to be scary.

“I think it’s really important for people to understand, especially if they’re struggling with [double down anxiety], that anxiety is natural and it protects us. So, that first trigger when the anxiety goes up, that’s supposed to happen,” Stevenson said. “It’s how we interpret all of that that starts to create more and more anxiety and we go from a functional level of anxiety to a less functional level of anxiety.”

Students begin the workshop by understanding the basics of anxiety and mindfulness: the present moment. Stevenson explains that the level and impact that anxiety has on students can influence change in their own life to remind them they are safe.

“What I’m really trying to do is to give tools and skills that we can continue to use for life.” Stevenson said.

“One of the main things I wanted to tackle going in is that sensation of not being able to do something because of the anxiety,” Stevenson said. “When I started here at the Access Center, that was something that concerned me, because I know we have a very high population of students with anxiety. I wanted to see, what is something I can do that will help these students not further feed that loop.”

Stevenson plans to restart this series for the Winter semester as a recurring workshop.

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Sudan’s web of unsolved issues

The death toll is rising in Sudan’s Darfur region

An outburst of violence spiraled Sudan’s westernmost region, Darfur, into disarray in January. This territory has been subject to endless conflicts since early 2000 due to its tribal tension, even with the newly elected democratic government. However, Darfur is only taking the spotlight for what is a complex amalgamation of issues within Sudan’s core that are barely understood by the international community.

“Sudan is very large and complex, it has essentially been at war since before it was a country,” said Sara Winger, professor and former external affairs officer at the United Nations Mission in Sudan.

Sudan’s federal government is no stranger to perpetrating hostilities in its provinces.

“There is no single region of Sudan that has not been victim at one point or another to the central government’s exclusionary practices,” said Winger. Sudan is, like any other country, facing challenges intertwined with its social web and history. The Darfur Crisis is only one part of what is a national issue.

“Because we are focused on the problem in Darfur, we don’t address the crisis in Blue Nile and Kordofan states — these must be addressed globally to establish peace in Sudan,” said Aristide Nononsi, country director for Lawyers Without Borders Canada and former independent expert in Sudan for the United Nations. Yet, peace has not been reached. Why is that?

A legacy of violence

Throughout Sudan’s previous government, led by former president Omar al-Bashir, violence was enforced upon its people, especially when political opposition started to grow in certain regions.

Taking Darfur as an example, a civil war between the government and two rebel groups in 2003 led to the government hiring militias from nomadic Arab tribes to eradicate the rebellion. These Arab tribes were named the Janjaweed; they committed mass violence against civilians.

The government would “manipulate and instrumentalize the tribes against one another” to dismantle the rebellion, said Nononsi.

Similar actions were taken when dealing with most other conflicts. Even with the peace agreements signed after the wars, tribal hostilities are still plaguing many regions of the country because they have yet to reconcile.

When Al-Bashir’s government was toppled by the Sudanese Armed Forces in 2019, a democratic civilian government was elected later that year. This new government has been active in negotiating with the United Nations according to Nononsi.

Although, a history of governmental violence upon its people does not simply fade away.

“Changing leaders is one thing,” said Winger, although “There is a broader change that has to take place in order to make sure to inoculate the country from it ever happening again.”

She added, “The political elite were part of the country’s structure when these decisions were being made … Unless you change out your entire political elite, then you still have these people involved with these institutions.”

“When the root causes of the crisis are not addressed, the crisis will continue,” said Nononsi. According to him, these causes are related to the establishment of law, ensuring everybody can enjoy their human rights and resolve Sudan’s extreme poverty. But it seems as if the government is not taking every step needed to provide these needs.

The government’s inactions    

The United Nations is limited in what it can do to solve a problem in countries with conflict, which include that no outright actions can be made without being filtered through the biases of the local government.

But advising can be offered by the international community as tools to help a country build its various institutions, including education and health care.

“Tools can be provided, tools are super easy,” said Winger, “but it’s the willingness to open the toolbox that changes everything. If you don’t want to provide education, it doesn’t matter if there are five international partners who want to help you provide the education.”

In another setback, while assessing the human rights situation in Sudan, Nononsi found that the governmental position on this “is that there are no human right violations in the country and there are no human right abuses.”

This apparent government inaction stems from a feeling of persecution.

“Although the government seems to cooperate with the United Nations,” said Nononsi, “it also has a perception that the wars in general are against the regime of Sudan,” meaning that these wars based upon political opposition are critiques of Sudan’s governmental regime, attacking the legitimacy of their function.

Negotiations for international intervention and internal peace have been difficult for Sudan because of this notion. From outright denial to laborious negotiating, the solutions that may provide peace to Sudan are not acknowledged, making the process frustrating.

“I worked in a town called Wau,” said Winger. “We were driving around as election observers at the time. And then in that same town in 2013–2014, conflict erupted, and everybody left. It is kind of crazy, like wow, I walked those roads. I went and bought my vegetables at the market, and now that market has been burned down.”

“We’re doing a bad job, making promises that we’re not coming anywhere near,” she said. “The UN says that they are going to save the next generation from the scourge of war. Well, sorry guys, you haven’t done it, you’re not doing a great job at it.”

Misunderstood nuances

The United Nations’ involvement in Sudan has been widespread, yet unproductive.

“There wasn’t a good understanding that the conflicts, while they were related, they were also distinct,” said Winger, “and I think just that sheer level of complexity bested and arguably continues to best the UN when it comes to Sudan.”

Decision making at the UN has been flawed when it comes to making a comprehensive strategy to solve conflicts. For example, in Winger’s UN experience in South Sudan, the international community would “focus on South Sudan and getting the election done,” instead of providing for other regions in need.

She follows this idea with “South Sudan was very much the hot topic until Syria started happening. We have kind of a collective inability to think about more than one thing at a time.”  The short attention span of both the international community and the media can only be detrimental to the well-being of the countries supported by these institutions.

“I think that the UN has to have a really nuanced understanding of an area, and I think that those kinds of interconnections need to be well understood,” said Winger.

That nuance can be reached through many means. Selecting specific conflict regions to solve the overall problem will only perpetuate unattended conflicts.

However, she also adds that a country’s overreliance on the international community may blur the lines.

“If you think the international community is supposed to bring you housing and education then you don’t get mad at your government when they fail to provide that. So, that’s part of the problem as well, there is this kind of unclear narrative about who is supposed to be doing what, and who is responsible for what.”

Sudan’s web of conflicts is convoluted. Decades of expert analysis, international investing and lives lost builds up to now.

The combination of a nuanced understanding, governmental implication and healing of the violent legacy may bring peace to Sudan. But, deeper roots to the conflict are harder to resolve.

“When you talk about long standing discrimination and inequality, you can’t address it in one day,” said Nononsi. This means that there are more years of conflict to come in Sudan, but the new democratic government is a step in the right direction for the country’s eventual peace. 

 

Graphic by @ihooqstudio

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Pro-Armenian protestors gather to call for Mayor Valérie Plante’s support

A thousand protestors gathered in front of city hall on Thursday

A pro-Armenian protest in front of Montreal City Hall on Thursday Oct. 8 called on Mayor Valérie Plante to publicly support Armenians in the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh territory conflict.

On Sept. 27, conflicts re-erupted in the region, leaving at least 23 civilians killed. While the Nagorno-Karabakh territory is recognized internationally as located in Azerbaijan, the majority of the territory is occupied and controlled by a majority population of ethnic Armenians.

Aram Shoujounian, one of the organizers of the demonstration on Thursday, said they want Plante to denounce Azerbaijan and Turkey’s violence towards Armenians in a conflict that has claimed over 300 lives, according to Armenian, Turkish, and Azeri reports.

Shoujounian said the protest also calls on Plante to recognize the independence of the “Republic of Artsakh.”

While the disputed territory is officially called the Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenians refer to the territory as the Armenian-language name of the region: “Artsakh.”

At present, the majority of the territory is ruled by a government called the “Republic of Artsakh,” and positions within the government are largely held by ethnic Armenians.

“We’re telling Valérie Plante, and the entire city hall, to recognize the Republic of Artsakh as an independent state, because that’s the only way to guarantee the security and the right to live on the territory of the Republic of Artsakh,” Shoujounian told The Concordian.

“We do not want our democratic societies to stay neutral,” said Shoujounian.

Located between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the territory has been disputed through political and military conflict for decades, beginning in the ‘80s.

Russia brokered a cease-fire with both countries in 1994, but conflict continued throughout the years.

Canada suspended drone technological exports to Turkey after reports emerged that the technology was used by Turkey to target Armenian civilians.

A ceasefire agreement on Oct. 10 was promptly broken just minutes after the agreed upon deadline. Both countries put blame on the other for breaking the agreement.

On Friday Oct. 16, Justin Trudeau met with Armenian and Turkish leaders to speak on the conflict, and to encourage a peaceful resolution. A petition supporting Armenia and Armenians in Artsakh was begun by Ontario Liberal Member of Parliament Bryan May, and will collect signatures to present to parliament until Nov. 8.

Fourth-year Concordia student at the protest.

One fourth-year Concordia student said she was attending the protest because more needs to be done.

“There is a second genocide towards Armenians happening right now and people are silent,” she said.

She says leaders need to take a stand to get involved beyond peace talks, stating, “Talking nicely and telling them to cease fire won’t work because we had a ceasefire agreement.”

Nathalie Setian, the student’s close friend, said, “they [Azerbaijan and Turkey] just want to invade and erase us as a nation as an Armenian race.”

Both Armenian Montrealers said they came to pressure government officials to support the self-determination and safety of the people in the disputed region, and to aid the movement in Montreal.

“We’re raising money [for Armenian soldiers], we’re donating a lot, we’re writing open letters,  we’re urging the government and the politicians and especially the media to stand with us,” said Setian.

“We’re raising our voices and doing as much as we can to get people to stand up for us, because we’re not accepting biased and falsified information by journalists.”

Last week the Armenian diaspora in Montreal organized a protest in front of the Montreal Gazette and Global News media offices, to call out the “surface level” reporting on the conflict, and how the reporting does not accurately represent the level of threat this conflict has for the ethnic Armenians in the conflict zone.

“If you are neutral, that means you support terrorism,” said Setian.

“We don’t want genocide to repeat itself and we don’t want whatever happened in Syria to repeat itself in Artsakh,” said Setian.

Since the protest, Setian has co-written an article on the conflict.

On Saturday Oct. 17, Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to a ceasefire starting at midnight. The deal was brokered by the OSCE Minsk Group. Early Sunday morning, the ceasefire deal was broken with both sides blaming each other for the violation.

Today, Monday Oct. 19, Plante has released a statement saying she stands in solidarity with the Armenian people, and will support efforts to find a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

“To the Armenian community of Montreal I would like to offer you all our support…I wish you strength and peace in these very difficult times and know that we stand altogether with you,” said Plante.

Photos by Hadassah Alencar

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