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Canada’s response to the Rohingya crisis: What’s missing?

aees Ahmed, executive director of the Rohingya Human Rights Network, poses with a group of Rohingya children in an undated photo. Courtesy of Raees Ahmed

The Canadian government released its Strategy to Respond to the Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar and Bangladesh on May 23. Based on the recommendations of Canada’s Special Envoy to Myanmar, Bob Rae, the report outlines the government’s plan to respond to the displacement of more than 600,000 ethnic Rohingya in Myanmar’s Rakhine state since August 2017.

The strategy has four goals: “Alleviating the humanitarian crisis,” “Encouraging positive political developments in Myanmar,” “Ensuring accountability for the crimes committed,” and “Enhancing international cooperation.” According to the report, Canada will provide humanitarian aid to refugees in neighbouring countries, offer assistance to the communities hosting these refugees, and promote accountability for perpetrators of the crisis. Canada has pledged $300 million over the next three years towards these ends, which is short of the $600 million over four years recommended by Rae.

Kyle Matthews, the executive director of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, praised Canada’s ramping up of humanitarian aid to Rohingya refugees and its call for those responsible for the crisis to be brought to justice. In an interview with The Concordian, Matthews also commended Canada for having appointed a special envoy to address the Rohingya crisis. He said this is unique not only among the world’s nations, but also in Canada’s history, since such an official was never appointed to deal with similar crises in the past.

However, Matthews said the plan does not properly acknowledge those internally displaced in Myanmar. In his report, Special Envoy Rae said that, although he was not denied entry into the Rakhine state, his access was controlled and limited. Even though more than 600,000 of the estimated 1.1 million Rohingya living in Myanmar have been forcibly displaced, Matthews noted “there are still 300,000 to 400,000 who are stuck in Myanmar, and the action plan doesn’t really talk about them.” He said the situation for those still in Myanmar may be even more dangerous than for those in refugee camps in neighbouring countries.

Canada’s official strategy is guided in part by the new Feminist International Assistance Policy. Introduced in June 2017, the influence of this policy can be seen in the government’s pledges to promote the voices of women in resolving the conflict as well as devote resources to Rohingya women and girls, especially those who have been affected by sexual violence. Matthews said he hopes this policy will generate positive results, but that it is too recent to be judged adequately.

Raees Ahmed is an executive director of the Rohingya Human Rights Network, a non-profit organization dedicated to raising awareness about the crisis and promoting the voices of Rohingya refugees. He told The Concordian that Canada’s plan is missing a concrete timeline.

“They’ve got good measures, the recommendations of Bob Rae and they’ve got a solid response in their strategy,” he said. “But when, and how? This is our big question, because time is against us.”

According to Ahmed, the issue is especially time-sensitive since the Myanmar government is allegedly destroying evidence of its actions. In February, the Arakan Project, a non-profit organization that documents human rights abuses against the Rohingya, released footage of a mass grave to The Guardian, which the organization said had since been bulldozed over.

Ahmed claimed the plan also fails to address two important consequences of the crisis: those of sex trafficking and extremism in the refugee camps. Although it is unclear to what extent extremism permeates Rohingya refugee camps, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres publicly stated: “We should not be surprised if decades of discrimination and double standards in treatment of the Rohingya create openings for radicalization.”

Additionally, the United Nations migration agency warned that, although the scope is unclear, the exploitation of Rohingya refugees—including but not limited to sexual exploitation—is widespread in refugee camps and their surrounding areas, especially in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh.

Neither the strategy nor Special Envoy Rae’s report refer to the situation in the Rakhine state as “genocide.” In December, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, said the actions taken against the Rohingya contained “elements of genocide,” although he added only a court could make the official determination. Nonetheless, both Matthews and Ahmed said the Canadian government should follow through on its commitments and acknowledge the action as genocide.

“We should call a spade a spade,” Ahmed said. Under the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, of which Canada is a signatory, nations must “undertake to prevent” any action deemed to be a genocide.

The conclusion of the report on Canada’s strategy says that, “over the coming months, we will announce further elements of the strategy, keeping Canadians informed of our actions and providing support to the courageous individuals working on the front lines of this crisis.”

Photo courtesy of Raees Ahmed

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MIGS’s Kyle Matthews on the situation in Myanmar

Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies executive director Kyle Matthews comments on the situation concerning Rohingya people in Myanmar. Photo by Alex Hutchins

Rohingya killings are textbook case of ethnic cleansing, says institute’s executive director

Last week, the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, condemned the treatment of the Rohingya people by the Burmese government, labelling it a textbook case of ethnic cleansing.

Myanmar’s government has denied the media and international observers access to the Rakhine state located near the Bangladesh border where, according to fleeing villagers interviewed by Human Rights Watch, soldiers from the Burmese military are executing civilians, raping thousands of women and burning down hundreds of Rohingya settlements.

Myanmar has never granted citizenship to the mostly Muslim Rohingya and tensions have been high between them and Myanmar’s Buddhist majority population for years. On Aug. 25, the conflict reached a tipping point when a Rohingya militant group staged a coordinated attack on 24 police stations and outposts in the region, Al Jazeera reported. Since then, the Burmese government has cracked down on the Rohingya under the guise of a security operation, according to the same publication.

The U.N. Refugee Agency estimates that, as of Sept. 11, over 370,000 Rohingya refugees have fled from northwestern Myanmar into Bangladesh.

Kyle Matthews, the executive director of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies (MIGS) at Concordia, agreed with the U.N. high commissioner’s accusation. He said the Burmese government is breaking international law by engaging in ethnic cleansing, and people need to speak out. Matthews works with parliamentarians, researchers and activists—including Quebec Senator Romeo Dallaire—to increase public awareness of genocide and violent extremism. MIGS’s goal is to prevent mass atrocities, like the Rwandan genocide, from ever happening again.

Researchers at the institute have been following the situation in Myanmar for years, but as it has become more dire, Matthews has started to speak out. Here’s what he had to say about the Myanmar crisis.

Q: Would you use the term “ethnic cleansing” to describe the situation in Myanmar?

A: I think it’s a textbook case. There are verified reports of villages being burnt. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have confirmed, through satellite technology, that it is taking place. There have been tales of refugees crossing into Bangladesh, giving accounts of Myanmar’s military attacking the villages and threatening that if the Rohingya don’t leave, they would kill everyone. It’s ethnic cleansing, that’s for sure.

Q: What’s the definition of ethnic cleansing?

A: Well, there’s a legal definition, and it’s encompassed as one of four mass atrocity crimes under the Responsibility to Protect principles, [a global political commitment endorsed by all U.N. member states]. The term “ethnic cleansing” came out of the Balkan conflict. It’s where you use physical violence to intimidate a population to get them to leave the area where they’re living and to ensure they never come back. So it’s not genocide, where you want to destroy the group in whole or in part, but it’s to basically kick them off the land and make sure they don’t come back. So it fits that. Others have said that there’s also a genocide going on.

Q: Is the distinction between genocide and ethnic cleansing important in this case?

A: No, I don’t think so. Whether it’s genocide or ethnic cleansing has to be analyzed by a court of law, but I think it’s safe to say there are mass atrocity crimes taking place.

Q: The Burmese government is denying access to observers and media in the Rakhine state. Why is that important?

A: I think they’re denying access because they’ve got something to hide. Before all this violence took place, there were crackdowns on international NGOs. We worked with some Canadian NGOs in Rakhine state. They’ve talked about very difficult challenges to get there. Media has had trouble accessing the area. That’s textbook when a government is conducting mass atrocities.

Q: Is it important for countries or leaders to denounce these types of situations?

A: I think it’s important. I think most leaders are afraid to do that, but we have a legal responsibility. Canada, for example, has an additional responsibility because [Myanmar’s leader] Aung San Suu Kyi is an honorary Canadian citizen. We have a responsibility to speak out. International law is quite clear; there’s nothing there that says we’re supposed to be quiet. I think we have to speak out. When you don’t name a certain human rights violation, then you’re avoiding what’s really taking place. So I think, politically, we need to stand out. However, the most positive thing about Myanmar has been all of these other Nobel Peace Prize winners denouncing what’s happening. That gives [the issue] a moral voice, and it also shows political leaders an incentive to be more forceful.

Q: What can individuals do?

A: There’s a lot you can do. First of all, we live in a democracy. We can use our individual voices to write to political leaders—be that the Liberal government or the opposition—to say that this is important to us and we want Canada to take more action, we want Canada to speak publicly and denounce this regime. We don’t have to fall into apathy. We can use our individual power to try to make change. In every humanitarian disaster, it comes down to individuals that show leadership and make a difference.

Photo by Alex Hutchins

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Montrealers march to condemn persecution of Rohingya in Myanmar

Protesters march through the streets of Montreal to condemn the persecution of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. Photo by Kirubel Mehari

Protesters call for Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to be stripped of Nobel Peace Prize

Montrealers came out in full force to condemn the persecution of Myanmar’s mainly Muslim Rohingya people on Saturday, Sept. 16.

At half past noon, roughly 150 people––many of them from Montreal’s Muslim community—  marched from Concordia’s Hall building to Place Ville Marie, chanting slogans criticizing Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her government. The event was organized by former Concordia student Majed Jam, who said his primary goals were to inspire action and raise awareness about the plight of the Rohingya.

An estimated 400,000 Rohingya have left the eastern state of Rakhine to seek refuge in Bangladesh after clashes with Burmese security forces. Although the predominantly Muslim Rohingya have long been a persecuted minority in Myanmar, state violence against them increased in August after 12 Burmese security officers were killed by Rohingya militants, according to the BBC.

The Burmese government claims that military action has been carried out only against insurgents, but many Rohingya have reported Burmese security forces burning down entire villages, reports said.

A woman holds a picture of Burmese leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, at a protest condemning the persecution of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. Photo by Sandra Hercegova

Since the Burmese government has refused to grant citizenship to the Rohingya, most of the members of the group have been stateless since the signing of the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law, according to Human Rights Watch.

Montreal protesters called, among other things, for Suu Kyi to be stripped of her Nobel Peace Prize. Demonstrator Aisha Mirza bore a sign, made by her cousin, which read “Aung San Suu Kyi = Hitler rising.” She said she had no personal connection to the events in Myanmar, but that “we should stick up for [the Rohingya] because there’s no one there for them in Burma.”

Demonstrator Romean Alam also has no personal connection to the situation, but he said that whenever such atrocities occur around the world, “we should stand up and be there and help those people [in need].”

Upon arrival at Place Ville Marie, demonstrator Raees Ahmed unveiled a list of demands for the Canadian government. He asked for a parliamentary motion officially condemning the Burmese government for its inaction and for Canada to join other countries in putting international pressure on the Burmese government, including the use of sanctions.

Ahmed also demanded that leader Suu Kyi be stripped of her honorary Canadian citizenship. He then urged the Burmese government to allow international media and aid into the Rakhine state, where the violence is taking place.

A petition calling the Canadian government to action can be found here.

Feature photo by Kirubel Mehari

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